If it isn't time for America to revolt against its revolting leaders, perhaps it's time for Australia to rebel and assert independence from an increasingly despotic Empire, says Professor Mark Beeson.
The American Revolution (1775-83), aka the War of Independence, led to the birth of the United States and its eventual emergence as the most powerful country the world has ever seen. Americans are understandably proud of this revolutionary heritage, so much so that the American Constitution, signed in 1789, has taken on the status of an inviolable, sacred text.
Rather ironically, given the currently difficult relationship between the U.S. and Europe, the Constitution was inspired by principles that emerged during the Enlightenment, and which sought to enshrine individual rights and freedoms. Some of them, like the freedom to bear arms, look anachronistic and dangerous, while others, like freedom of speech and assembly, are routinely violated by the Trump administration, which has little time for such niceties.
Whatever the merits and shortcomings of the American legal system, Donald Trump plainly thinks they don’t apply to him, as his comment about his ability to shoot someone in the street without consequences demonstrates. The flagrant illegality of many of Trump’s domestic and foreign policies demonstrate a similar contempt for other laws, and principles that provide the sorts of checks and balances that are supposed to distinguish government in the US.
It’s not surprising that Trump thinks he’s the most powerful man in the world, possibly ever. Unfortunately for the rest of us, he’s probably right. No one else has ever had the sort of military and economic leverage the US still enjoys, even if America’s current policies are rapidly undermining confidence in its ability or willingness to act as a stable hegemon.
That’s unlikely to influence 79-year-old Trump, however, because whatever he does isn’t going to affect him for too much longer. For succeeding generations who will inherit the increasingly chaotic strategic, economic and environmental mess he leaves behind, though, having someone a growing number of Americans see as a corrupt, narcissistic megalomaniac as president is probably not optimal at this historical juncture.
The Twenty-Fiifth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution sets out conditions how the U.S. can rid itself of a leader who is plainly unfit for office. But when Trump retains a tight grip of the Republican party, and when many members and supporters of his administration benefit directly from a continuation of business as usual, even when that includes starting illegal wars on a whim, nothing is likely to change.
Progressively-minded Americans – yes, they do still exist – are pinning their hopes on the mid-term elections which have the potential to give Democrats a majority in the House and make it harder for Trump to do ‘anything I want’. However, the growing number of obstacles being created to voting, coupled with gerrymandering and even the possibility that they may not happen at all if America’s at war or dealing with domestic social unrest, mean that change may not happen via the ballot box.
If democratic processes, the foundation of the American politics and its claims to be an inspiration for the rest of the world are undermined, or the result of an election is contested or ignored by the Trump administration, what then? What should Americans and the rest of the world for that matter, do in an effort to restore democracy and the rule of law?
Given that the American military’s primary duty is to the Constitution, not to the American President, despite his role as the Commander-in-Chief, we might reasonably expect that the armed forces would be staunch defenders of the rule of law. But the military’s role in the illegal attack on Iran suggests that this may be wishful thinking, especially when that involves international law. The willingness of the military to become actively involved in curbing alleged civil unrest doesn’t inspire confidence either.
While it’s not as risky demonstrating in the U.S. as it is in Iran, the stakes are arguably even higher. Despite all the bluster about the threat Iran poses, it has nothing like the capacity of America to upend the entire international order. It is the U.S., after all, that is currently destabilising the entire Middle East, facilitating Israel’s increasingly genocidal imperialism and wrecking the global economy.
Civil disobedience in the USA may be dangerous and destabilising, but it may be less of a threat to national and global stability than the continuation of the Trump regime. Only Americans can fix this increasingly urgent and destructive problem.
The rest of the world politely pointing out to Americans that their country has a dangerous and destructive government, and that they need to do something about it for their own sakes and for ours might help. Encouraging our own governments to play a part in this process, as some of the U.S.’s traditional European allies are beginning to do, also might help.
Given that Australia’s leaders have spent the last 80 years becoming America’s trusted ally, whose views are apparently always taken seriously in Washington, it would be unfortunate if the U.S. became the sort of authoritarian power many analysts fear. Perhaps this is Australia’s chance to exercise some of that influence we’re always hearing about.
That's one revolutionary idea we should all be able to get behind.
Mark Beeson is an adjunct professor at the University of Technology Sydney and Griffith University. He was previously Professor of International Politics at the University of Western Australia.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Australia License
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