The world’s biggest weapons manufacturer, Lockheed Martin, has deleted from its website details about Australia’s key role in building F-35 fighter jets, which Israel is using to bomb Gaza.
Among details quietly scrubbed from Lockheed Martin’s site are that Australian businesses are supplying components ‘for the entire F-35 fleet’ and that:
‘Every F-35 built contains some Australian parts and components.’
The material was included in the section ‘Industrial Partnerships’, which has been deleted entirely, sometime between 15 March and 7 April this year.
Around that time, Lockheed Martin and the Albanese Government were under heavy scrutiny following a February Senate hearing in which the supply of “weapons” to Israel was hotly contested, specifically F-35 parts and components.
The deleted ‘Industrial Partnerships’ section of the Lockheed Martin site states:
‘As a programme partner, Australian businesses are supplying components for the entire F-35 fleet, not just Australian aircraft.’
It continues:
‘In total, more than 70 Australian companies have been awarded export contracts valued at AU$4.13 billion.’
Web archive Wayback Machine, which sporadically screenshots webpages, shows the ‘Industrial Partnerships’ section was on Lockheed Martin’s site until 15 March, but had been deleted by 7 April, the next time it screenshot the page.
Also deleted from the site is a profile of Melbourne F-35 parts manufacturer, Marand Precision Engineering, which supplies the F-35 ‘global fleet’ with an ‘engine removal and installation mobility trailer’ comprised of ‘around 12,000 individual parts’.
The Marand article was on the Lockheed site when the Wayback Machine took a screenshot of the page on 28 March, but it had been deleted by the time of the next screenshot taken on 9 May.
Lockheed Martin’s Australian F-35 page now contains only information relating to the Australian Defence Force’s F-35 program.
On 25 March, Greens Senator David Shoebridge tried (and failed) to move a motion in the Senate that accused the Federal Government of being “content to send weapons and weapons parts to Israel to literally fuel the genocide”.
On 14 February, participating in a Senate Committee, Shoebridge asked Hugh Jeffrey, a Department of Defence deputy secretary:
“Do you consider parts of an F35 fighter jet, such as the parts manufactured in Australia and used on Israeli Defence Force fighter jets to open the bomb bay doors, to be weapons?”
Jeffrey responded:
“A pencil is used for writing. It’s not designed in and of itself to be a weapon, but it can be, if you want to use it as a weapon.”
Shoebridge responded:
“Bomb bay doors are generally used to release bombs.”
Jeffrey said:
“Under the UN definition, weapons are defined as whole systems, like armoured vehicles, tanks and combat helicopters.”
The Albanese Government has repeatedly said that no “weapons” have been sent to Israel for at least the past five years. Focusing on the word “weapons” enables the Government to ignore exports of “ammunition/munitions” and “parts and components”, all of which are covered by the 2014 Arms Trade Treaty, which Australia championed at the United Nations and ratified in 2014.
The Albanese Government is coming under increasing pressure, with concerns mounting that Australia will be found to be complicit in genocide because it has not ceased its military exports to Israel.
More than 800 public servants last week released a signed open letter calling on the Government to immediately stop all military exports to Israel.
The Department of Defence has admitted it approved two new export permits to Israel after the 7 October attack.
In a Senate Estimates hearing on 14 February, the Defence Department‘s Hugh Jeffrey said: “Two export permits have been granted since the time of the last Estimates”, the date of which was 25 October 2023. The permits were approved between 25 October and 31 October. Mr Jeffrey refused to say what items the new permits covered.
The Defence Department and DFAT have also refused to answer questions about whether approved military export permits that were in place before the Hamas attacks have been suspended.
Australia’s key role in the F-35 fighter jet program
More than 70 Australian companies supply parts and components to the global supply chain of the F-35.
Several of the companies are the sole source of the parts they produce. Without them, new F-35 jets cannot be built, nor can parts be replaced.
In December last year, a U.S. Congressional hearing revealed that the F-35 joint program office had been moving “at a breakneck speed to support... Israel... by increasing spare part supply rates” [Emphasis added].
On 30 October, the Defence Department issued a media release trumpeting the important role played by Australian industry in the production and maintenance of the global F-35 fleet. The release announced that Melbourne company Rosebank Engineering had established an important repair depot under the F-35 global support solution for aircraft operating in or deployed to the Indo-Pacific region.
Rosebank Engineering and the Defence Department had partnered with the U.S. F-35 joint program office and Lockheed Martin to establish the new facility.
Rosebank has been part of the F-35 supply chain since 2004 and now manufactures more than 150 components for the landing gear and weapons bay systems on the F-35, including the components that enable the bombs to be dropped on Gaza. Rosebank (formerly RUAG Australia) is the sole source global supplier of the F-35’s “uplock actuators” that open and close the F-35’s weapons bay doors.
Sydney-based Quickstep Holdings is another long-term supplier to the F-35 program. In December 2020, it announced it had produced its 10,000th component — just 20 per cent of its commitment to the program. Quickstep manufactures more than 50 components and assemblies, worth about $440,000 in each F-35, it says.
Lockheed Martin also acknowledged Queensland’s Ferra Engineering in providing products for the F-35 since 2004 and said it remained a vital partner.
Rosebank Engineering, Quickstep Holdings and Ferra Engineering have all supplied parts and components to the F-35’s supply chain during the past five years.
This article was originally published on The Klaxon and has been republished with permission.
Michelle Fahy is an independent investigative reporter on the weapons industry and its close connections with the Australian Government.
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